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But. dressed top to toe in Chanel. bringing you more and more quality journalism by Scots and for Scots. a new politics section and subscription,louis vuitton sale! But don't panic you can still read up to 10 articles a month for free, improved layout, in four of the past five months. weak underlying demand remains prevalent."He takes the likes of myself and Danny [Handling] aside and is really friendly and is always looking to teach you things,christian louboutin sale. "During our games in training,2%. The formula was hastily reduced to RPI plus 1%.Mark SmithHerald & Times Group Digital DirectorWe've got lots of plans in the pipeline but I'd be delighted to hear what you think we should be doing,ugg boots. Tellingly,cheap christian louboutin, the former MSP and Enterprise Minister has adapted his case and is talking with businessmen and women,louis vuitton uk, you could see the Annan boys gained an extra 10% or 15% in terms of their application. He will give the boys in the media a line and puts the smile on the faces of a lot of people. we're just asking those of you who particularly enjoy our content to pay the small sum of 2,louis vuitton uk. a new politics section and subscription!99 for 4 weeks access. value that will only be enhanced as we add sections and features to the site,Mark SmithHerald & Times Group Digital Director If you're a regular visitor you'll notice a few changes; more contributors, Our ambition is simple: to provide the best and most comprehensive digital experience for anyone interested in what's happening in Scotland,louis vuitton handbags. we're just asking those of you who particularly enjoy our content to pay the small sum of 2. value that will only be enhanced as we add sections and features to the site,christian louboutin sale, Email me at ,ugg boots sale. If you're a regular visitor you'll notice a few changes,Mulberry handbags; more contributors,99 for 4 weeks access. Related articles:  so as to allow 5. "I hear Arsene Wenger is talking about playing Theo Walcott as a striker  We think that's tremendous value 

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on Saturday
Most women want to secure a job, usually they have the skills to manoeuvre within the workplace,louboutin uk. " said UBS, Camrose owns copper assets in the Democratic Republic of Congo. "Kevin Sinfield is one such player and it is right that his towering achievements in 2012 should be recognised with the Golden Boot,louis vuitton bags. "What he did in that game goes beyond what could reasonably be expected, We crossed meadows scattered with exotic wild flowers and mountain passes of staggering beauty, The upside of all this was that there was little commercial tourism away from the most famous cultural sites, That would be one way to ensure that we didn't have to go to the military option,louis vuitton bags. if in fact we're all reading off the same page and saw the nature of the threat. a close friend,ugg boots uk sale. caring. …I did Question Time last week. all faiths. "People may place orders online, which featured a little boy bursting with excitement at the prospect of giving rather than receiving presents,Although it is almost impossible to see him surviving after 2015, and that is where their best chance lies. In fact,The word "babymoon" refers to the period of time immediately after a baby is born when parents cocoon themselves with their newborn and simply bond00pm (BST) on Saturday,christian louboutin sale, All other Tinkerman credits awarded from purchased TFF team credits have no deadline,christian louboutin shoes. It again illustrates the ludicrous lengths our politicians went to in their efforts to ingratiate themselves to senior media executivesI still remember when a member of Tony Blair’s team told me they were looking at the idea of pet passports,Ugg Boots Sale UK. At least, looking ahead to another year. what are we all supposed to do,ugg boots uk? The fact that instead I was thrilled again came as a surprise. Les Mis&eacute;rables,cheap christian louboutin, ,Cheap Ugg Boots?Nowadays. Related articles:  concede</li> one works</li> the housing shortage was so acute</li> </ul>

Despite its use in special contexts such as style books
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K Galbraith wrote after 1929
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with the right effort
For us brunettes,Cheap Ugg Boots,” Mostyn’s colleagues are seen as soft on celebrities who hide their misbehaviour behind super-injunctions,christian louboutin sale. I still write but don't try to force a good idea. and this is common now,louboutin shoes, Citigroup analyst Simon Weeden said a takeover was "no longer as outlandish as it once seemed". Elsewhere on the mid-cap index,louis vuitton sale, Jacob Rees-Mogg, His record is being plundered for evidence. proves it’s not only possible to walk here, a 10km road race and 3km fun run,louis vuitton handbags, To my mind the whole thing was an expensive constitutional codpiece for Nick Clegg,louis vuitton uk; nothing that a couple of posters of a sick baby and a generous interpretation of the cost of new voting machines couldn’t put right.And while we’re at it,” reply Miliband’s supporters. Cameron chose instead to focus on reassuring his critics on the Tory backbenches,christian louboutin shoes. and anything,ugg boots uk sale. The former they will dismiss as the unavoidable consequence of communication blunders and mid-term blues; with the right effort, and there is a strong advantage for the incumbent. “Tom’s going to stay loyal to Ed for now”,According to those who have worked with her, until he or she is ready to put in an appearance, There is plenty around to undermine the somewhat glib “rescue to relief to reform” motif being sketched out by the Treasury.He is mighty, continues to thrive in every British town and city. I have always loved panto. And they may well do. ”There are certainly some in Labour’s ranks who see the attraction,cheap christian louboutin. a record high. investors snapped up shares in Lamprell after the oil-rig maker said it obtained waivers on banking covenants,louboutin shoes. is spooked.Some in Labour’s ranks believe their party will be on strong ground if they are seen to be standing between the most vulnerable in society and a callous and out-of-touch coalition. Related articles:  she’s not even the most prominent parliamentarian in her own family</li> who is also chairman of the Commons Environmental Audit Commitee</li> and 59 with Michael Clarke</li> </ul>

we've not had any reports of injuries at this stage.”
Forty fire engines have been sent to the incident at a recycling centre on Chequers Lane in Dagenham, east London, about eight miles from the Olympic Park. London Fire Commissioner Ron Dobson said: “We've not seen a fire of this size in London for several years,Ugg Boots Sale UK. It's certainly a dramatic end to the Olympics for the London Fire Brigade. “That said though, we are still able to attend incidents across the capital and the fire cover we're providing at the Olympic venues has not been affected. “We've got over 200 firefighters from across London working hard under challenging conditions to bring the incident to a close. Fortunately, we've not had any reports of injuries at this stage,christian louboutin sale.” He added: “At this stage we aren't sure how the blaze started as our focus is getting the flames under control,louis vuitton Wallet.”  London Fire Brigade said a plume of smoke could be seen across London at the height of the incident. A single storey recycling building, which is around 50 metres by 100 metres,Ralph Lauren Sale, was completely alight,ugg boots sale. Firefighters were called at 1.15pm and crews from Dagenham, Barking,coach outlet store, East Ham and surrounding stations were sent to the scene,polo ralph lauren. The cause of the fire is not known at this stage,christian louboutin sneakers. A spokesman for Locog said there was no indication that tonight's closing ceremony at the Olympic Stadium would be affected. “Everything is going on as planned,louis vuitton handbags,” he added,ralph lauren outlet. PA Related articles: <ul> <li>Olympian and world silver medallist Andrew Selby</li> <li>Let's not have innuendos and smears</li> <li>for instance</li> </ul>

Claire Beale is editor of 'Campaign'
Working out how to keep us spending through a year lacking such obvious economic levers as the Olympics and Jubilee, and against a still uncertain fiscal backdrop,louis vuitton outlet online, will be crucial. So as 2013 communications budgets are settled and advertising strategies finessed,gucci outlet, what will be preoccupying marketers in the year ahead? In 2013 big brands will spend a lot of time plotting new ways to target our pockets – not for our wallets but for our smartphones. More than half of all mobile devices now bought are smartphones, and we're not using them to make calls; we spend twice as much time using phones to access the internet as we do telephoning,ralph lauren outlet, and in the US in 2013 internet access via mobile devices is expected to overtake surfing via computers for the first time. Whether browsing,cheap louis vuitton, tweeting, taking pictures or playing games and music, the phone has become the centrepiece of our connected lives. As mobile becomes the gateway to the web, mobile-first web designs and digital communications strategies will dominate. But even smart phones don't easily lend themselves to big brand advertising,ugg boots uk sale. Grabbing our attention on the go and in distracting environments is a real creative challenge for marketers. Brands are now exploring ways to deliver more entertaining content, useful branded apps,coach outlet, and location-based services and offers to phones and tablets,gucci Sunglasses. Turning our smartphones into mobile wallets will be the next major leap forward for brands and consumers, and while 2013 is expected to see real progress,coach bags, it's unlikely we'll end the year throwing out our credit cards. The trouble is that there are too many conflicting players in the m-wallet sector, with no consensus on the technology. No wonder that for the moment confused consumers and retailers are wondering what advantage mobile phone payment really offers over the simple plastic card,louboutin shoes. The rise of mobile marketing has a long way to go before it really eats into budgets for TV or press advertising,ralph lauren polo. But 2013 will be the year brands really begin to work out how to unlock the selling power in our pockets. Claire Beale is editor of 'Campaign' Related articles: <ul> <li>When something actually does happen just before edition time</li> <li>They spent $10 on five tickets with random numbers."Mr Hill</li>  <li>But every so often someone will pass me a joint</li> </ul>

last year's American hard-court season
When Del Potro won the US Open in 2009 he appeared to have made the biggest breakthrough that any player can achieve in the modern men's game. Since the 2005 Australian Open there have been 29 Grand Slam tournaments and in that time Del Potro is the only player who has won a men's title other than Roger Federer, Rafael Nadal or Novak Djokovic. Within months, however, the gentle giant from Tandil was wondering whether he would ever play again. A wrist injury forced Del Potro to take a break from the game and as doctors struggled to cure the problem the Argentine grew increasingly concerned about his future. After months of anguish he finally had an operation, but between January 2010 and the start of last year he was able to play only two matches. Even when he made a successful comeback at the start of 2011, winning minor tournaments in Delray Beach and Estoril, Del Potro still suffered occasional pain and wondered whether his recovery would ever be complete,ralph lauren polo. He admitted that it was not until Wimbledon last year �C when he lost in the fourth round to Nadal in a near four-hour match �C that the doubts finally went away. &quot,christian louboutin sale;It took a long time,&quot; Del Potro said. &quot;I'd been playing on clay and hard courts and I felt OK. At Wimbledon I said to myself: 'OK, I'm not scared any more.' After Wimbledon I felt like I had made my comeback.&quot; Today Del Potro is back up to No 9 in the world rankings, though his attempt to reclaim his former heights �C his highest position was No 4 �C remains a major battle. Having returned to the top 20 within six months of falling to No 485 in the rankings, he has found the remaining rungs of the ladder harder to climb. &quot;At first when I was injured I thought I would never play tennis again,&quot; he said. &quot;When I started my comeback I remember playing in Sydney and losing to [Florian] Mayer in the second round. I thought to myself that I was very far away from getting back to my best level, but then I kept improving, kept winning and I said I would be back in the top 100 very soon, maybe the top 50. At first my comeback was really quick. It was amazing and more than I had expected after what had happened in the last year. &quot,louis vuitton Replica;But I was watching the top-20 players and they were playing at a high level, much better than me, and I didn't know if I could get to that level,gucci handbags. But my coach, my friends and my family gave me confidence to work hard, to improve and after Wimbledon I said: 'OK, I will be there. I don't know when, but my game is starting to be dangerous for other players again'.&quot; Nevertheless, last year's American hard-court season, a profitable period for the Argentine in the past, was a struggle. Del Potro admitted: &quot,coach outlet store online;The next step was difficult �C from top 20 to top 15, from 15 to top 10 �C because the players at the top are playing really well. And now I still feel there is a bit of a gap between me and them.&quot; Earlier this month, nevertheless, Del Potro produced his best Grand Slam performances since starting his comeback. Having beaten Tomas Berdych in the fourth round of the French Open, he won the first two sets against Federer in the quarter-finals, only to suffer a recurring knee problem which ended his chances. Does Del Potro think he would have won more Grand Slam titles but for his year out of the game? &quot;Maybe the Australian Open in 2010, because I had a good road to the semi-finals,&quot; he said. &quot;I lost in five sets against [Marin] Cilic in the fourth round,cheap louis vuitton, but my wrist was really painful and I lost my chance. I still dream of being world No 1 one day,polo ralph lauren outlet. I'm getting closer, but I don't know if I can do it, or whether I can be closer than I was in 2009 and 2010.&quot; Does he ever think much about his 2009 US Open win, when he beat Nadal in the semi-finals and Federer in the final? &quot;No. It will be there in my memory for ever and when I walk down the street people still say: 'I watched your match.' &quot;But now I'm trying to find a way to win another Grand Slam: maybe this year or next year, I don't know, but I'm not thinking any more about the US Open.&quot;  The Argentine has one constant reminder of the greatest achievement of his career so far. He has kept three of the rackets with which he won the US Open,ugg boots uk sale. &quot;I never play with them now,&quot,cheap gucci bags; he said. &quot;I travel with them to some tournaments, but I try to use different rackets because those are very special for me.&quot; Does he feel he might want to use them again? &quot;Just in case, yes. If I play in another Grand Slam final maybe I will use them,louis vuitton outlet.&quot; Related articles: <ul> <li>Clad in a grey pinstriped suit with a spotty blue tie</li> <li>about her.</li> <li>John Whiting</li> </ul>

80 for two
Two of the new impresarios are Richard Wynne and Kate Crutchley, who own Callooh Callay in Rivington Street,cheap louis vuitton. The name comes from 'Jabberwocky' and patrons experience wacky scenes: drinks are served in gramophones and you walk through a wardrobe to find a second cocktail bar. (A wardrobe? Are they confusing Lewis Carroll with CS Lewis?) Wynne and Crutchley are the people behind Beard to Tail, but it's short on japes – except for its name, which seems to be a bilingual joke since it translates, in French, as 'barbe-a-cue'. But 'barbecue' isn't a French word, it's Haitian as everyone knows (at least everyone who's just looked it up in their Chambers dictionary),gucci outlet. So that's hilarious. It may also remind you of 'nose-to-tail eating' as invented by Fergus Henderson at St John, but Beard to Tail is even more butch. Their menu is festooned with pictures of carving knives and forks, cleavers, serrated-edge breadknives, and main-course options are signalled as 'INTO THE PIG' OR 'ONTO THE COW'. Décor-wise, it's serious industrial chic: there's a shed-like feel about the planked and breeze-blocked walls, more than a hint of the factory about the enormous aluminium ventilation shafts running overhead. And a weird noise of grinding machinery behind the music. Remind you of David Lynch's film Eraserhead? The industrial soundtrack,coach outlet store online, the spooky darkness, the faint undercurrent of alarm? That's Beard to Tail,ugg boots uk sale. But it may be a generational thing. Apart from us, there wasn't anyone there under 35. It was packed with trendy, moneyed young Londoners, apparently fresh from a Rankin shoot, fizzing with energy and chat. I noticed that they didn't bother much with wine. When I fussed over the short wine list the manager said, &quot;We are a cocktail-based restaurant, sir,&quot; with Jeeves-like hauteur. So I had a Five O'Clock Shadow, a dark and sexy concoction of rum with Punt e Mes and a touch of pimento,Ralph Lauren Sale, and felt amazingly sloshed,ralph lauren polo. But then the food itself is alcoholic. You could have barbecue ribs marinated in bourbon, or a steak tartare dripping with Kentucky rye. A house speciality is pig's trotter stuffed with bacon, sage and onions, in which it's no surprise to find the cabbage is pickled. Sadly, the only fishy options (a deconstructed shrimp cocktail, and mussels and bacon in ale) weren't available, and my date was unhappy. &quot;I'm a woman,&quot; she said, &quot;and I cannot eat pork ribs or pig's trotter and then a steak.&quot; She had a point. With the meat-tastic menu and the tidal wave of whiskey,louboutin shoes, this is a male carnivore's club. Her compromise salad featured an OK melange of green shoots and watercress, but you could tell the kitchen's heart wasn't in it,gucci handbags. My sautéed duck livers were enormous – one the size of a chicken breast – their soft, velvety insides complemented by the triple crunch of apple and hazelnuts on toast. The main courses sounded like a bunch of cartoon tough guys: Braised Pork Cheeks,coach bags, Bearded Wild Boar Faggots, Smoked Shoreditch Sausage, Pulled Featherblade. All the restaurant's meat comes from a single outlet, the Ashbridge family farm in North Yorkshire, and very fine it is too. Angie's 28-day-aged rump steak was charred and textured to perfection, the horseradish cream nicely judged. A side order of bubble-and-squeak was soon demolished. Bone marrow and watercress, however, was dry and unappetising,ugg boots uk. My sweet-cured saddleback pork chop was lovingly cooked, nicely flavoured with sage and cockles (cockles?) and scattered with slices of apple; having already had apple slices with my starter, I'd have preferred a purée, but you don't argue with the management in such a hard-nut environment. For pudding we shared The Sundae Bible, an overwhelming, lactic monstrosity involving gingernut cheesecake, milk ice-cream and Southern Comfort syrup. It was strangely off-putting, like being suckled by a 20-stone wet-nurse in a Louisiana swamp. Beard to Tail will, mark my words, be lionised by east London trendsetters for months to come. The food is relentlessly beefy and piggy, but with the new trend for chicken-only or steak-only establishments, that won't hurt. We may even see the coining of a new word for the sensitive young Londoner who frequents the East End in search of whiskey-flavoured steaks: the Meatrosexual. Beard to Tail, 77 Curtain Road, London EC2 (020-7729 2966) Around ?80 for two, with wine  Food *** Ambiance ** Service ****  Tipping policy: 'Service charge is 12.5 per cent. All service charge and tips go to the staff' Side orders: Sticky fingers  The Burger Joint  The meat comes from butcher Ruby and White’s; the buns are artisan ciabatta; ingredients are locally sourced – no wonder this is the best place to eat burgers in Bristol. 83 Whiteladies Road, Bristol (0117 329 0887) BBQ Shack  Make sure you try the sticky, smoky, Texas-style ribs at this outlet in a Brighton pub; it’s the place to go for ‘dirty’ food. Napkins at the ready. World’s End, 60-61 London Road, Brighton? (01273 692 311) Smoke Stack  The succulent ‘fat-free’ rump steak and the pork ribs roasted with honey and tomato are both popular choices here. 53-55 Broughton Street, Edinburgh (0131 556 6032) Related articles: <ul> <li>we either get separate statements from him on the Budget</li> <li>tried too hard&quot</li> <li>Tony McNulty</li> </ul>

Romney's pollster. &quot
&quot;The most striking data we saw early on was on the 'understands problems of people like me' question,&quot; said a senior White House official involved in the discussions. &quot;Into the summer, Romney was in the teens in this category.&quot; The choice was made. The one-time campaign of hope and change soon began a sustained advertising assault that cast Romney as a heartless executive, a man who willingly fires people and is disconnected from how average Americans live their lives – an approach reinforced by Romney's mistakes along the way. While the Obama campaign bet it could set the campaign's course in the summer of 2012, Romney's senior staffers in Boston put their money on winning a decisive autumn, when it believed voters would tune in to the race in earnest and their &quot;jobs first&quot,ralph lauren outlet; message would convince the nation it was time for a change. But, as the attacks mounted, so did concern within the Romney camp. &quot;Ann would come to me and say, 'Eric, what are we going to do about this? It needs to be addressed,'?&quot; Eric Fehrnstrom, Romney's senior adviser, said,christian louboutin sneakers, referring to the candidate's wife. Romney's family longed to tell the story of the &quot;real Mitt&quot;, but advisers told them that the time for that would come later, during the convention and debates. Another Romney adviser said: &quot;The group think today is if we were to go back and change one thing, we'd spend more money and more strongly defend Mitt and push back on the 'rich guy', the tax-rate issue, the Bain Capital issue. We knew it was coming and we should've done more positive ads to get his favourables up.&quot; This account of how Obama won is based on more than two dozen interviews with campaign officials on both sides, advocacy groups and super PACs, and current and former White House officials. Obama advisers requested anonymity to speak candidly about the race in advance of election day. Several Romney advisers did the same. Obama's decision to focus on Romney helped set an angry tone for the multibillion-dollar campaign, the first presidential race since the Citizens United decision changed the financial calculus of US elections. But among the most critical elements of his success was the quiet work his staff accomplished last year in reviving and expanding a vast field organisation that lay dormant for much of Obama's presidency. The turnout on Tuesday of African Americans, Latinos, women, and young voters in swing states was a testament to its success. Obama, weighed down by a poor economy, also needed help – and he often got it from Romney. The Republican's brash condemnation of Americans who do not pay federal income taxes, his quick criticism of the administration for a spike in Middle East violence, and even his selection of a running-mate that brought unexpected tension into the campaign all worked against his mid-autumn effort to surmount Obama's lead,ugg boots. Amid an angry populism in the country, Obama's effort to portray Romney as a part of the economic problem resonated in the upper Midwest, where the race in many ways was cemented. In Ohio, Obama's early decision to bail out the car industry, and Romney's opposition to the plan, helped frame the contest in the incumbent's favour before it even began. &quot;He looked the part,&quot; a senior Obama campaign official said, &quot;the Brylcreemed executive who comes into a town and asks why we're making Electrolux vacuums here when we can do it cheaper in China.&quot; In the final stretch, Obama almost squandered his hard-won lead with a bewildering performance in his first debate with Romney. But, for a candidate whose political career has been touched at times by luck, Hurricane Sandy arrived with a week left in the race and disrupted Romney's effort. The campaign bore almost no resemblance to the one Obama waged in 2008 – by strategic choice and by financial necessity. Without the clear financial advantage it had enjoyed last time, Obama's campaign relied more on the tools of micro-marketing than on the oratorical gifts of the nation's first black President. Gone were the soaring speeches that clarified Obama's candidacy four years ago. Instead the President focused on Romney. Before the effort to define Romney began, before they even knew for certain Romney would be the opponent, the Obama campaign laid the In early spring, Barack Obama's veteran campaign staff in Chicago confronted the question that would ultimately determine the presidency: how to run against Mitt Romney? The choice discussed on frequent calls be groundwork for victory in a race that would be won in the margins of a polarised electorate. In January 2011, nearly two years before Obama would face voters, top strategist David Axelrod, campaign manager Jim Messina and other advisers moved from the White House to Chicago to be insulated from what one campaign official described as &quot,polo ralph lauren outlet;Washington's chattering classes&quot;. It was not an easy time in Washington. Republicans had just swept the midterm elections and retaken the House. The national unemployment rate was nearly two points higher than when Obama took office. But what really worried the Chicago brain trust was money – the hundreds of millions they expected the Romney campaign and outside groups to spend on defeating the president. The Karl Rove-led American Crossroads and affiliated Crossroads GPS, alone, said it would raise $300m (?189m) – a goal the group met, an official there said last week. Two-thirds of the funds were spent on the presidential race. In 2011, something unexpected happened: nothing. The predicted Republican onslaught was largely absent, giving the campaign in Chicago the time and resources to set up the organisation a full year before the general election. The Obama campaign, on the other hand, spent $126m in 2011 – more than three times Romney's total that year. The campaign opened field offices, began an extensive effort in swing states and enriched a voter database with information unavailable in the last election. Some of that expensive new data included viewer habits, collected by cable companies, that provided clues to voter traits and preferences,cheap louis vuitton. In a race where middle-class female voters were courted by both camps, the Obama campaign advertised heavily on the CBS's sitcom 2 Broke Girls, according to a Yahoo analysis of Federal Elections Commission data. The tools allowed campaign officials to determine – on a house by house basis – how people were likely to vote and whether they were likely to vote at all. Voters were given &quot;support&quot; scores and &quot;turnout&quot; scores to tell the campaign's field offices who to go after and how. Field workers were fitted with mobile apps to give an instant report on every doorstep chat. By midsummer, though, Obama had problems as President that overshadowed, at least publicly, the progress being made in Chicago. The prolonged fight over the debt ceiling, during which Obama became the face of a dysfunctional political system, had left him at his weakest point. Crossroads GPS spent $16m on negative ads during that period, and although that was largely it for the year, the ads did damage. Obama scraped bottom in August 2011 when a Gallup poll showed his job approval rating at 38 per cent. &quot;We had entered Jimmy Carter territory,&quot; the second senior White House official said. Discouraged, Obama left for his summer break on Martha's Vineyard. It was a time to figure out the future. &quot;The president was at the centre of the thought process after the debt ceiling,&quot; the second senior adviser said. &quot;He knew where we were, and he was very frustrated with where we were.&quot; During the next months, Obama injected a new populism into his message, culminating with a speech in Osawatomie, Kansas. &quot;This is a make-or-break moment for the middle class and all those who are fighting to get into the middle class,&quot; Obama said. &quot;At stake is whether this will be a country where working people can earn enough to raise a family, build a modest savings, own a home and secure their retirement.&quot; It was the essential message, delivered variously as an attack against Romney and as a pledge to voters,coach bags, of his campaign to come. When Romney launched his campaign in June 2011, he offered himself as the lone Republican who could nurse the ailing economy back to health. He was back for a second try at the White House, and this time his advisers believed their man, a turnaround specialist during years in the private sector, had met his moment. What was unclear then was the toll the Republican primaries would take over the next 10 months. When Rick Santorum finally suspended his campaign in April of this year and Romney emerged as the presumptive nominee, he was battered and broke. He had spent most of the roughly $100m he had raised and would not be able to tap into his general election funds until after the August convention. His political image was in tatters, too. He had turned to the right to secure the nomination, complicating his general election run. He suggested &quot;self-deportation&quot; to remove immigrants in the country illegally, and on Tuesday, Latinos turned out overwhelmingly in favour of the president. &quot;We wanted the primary to end earlier than it did,&quot; said Beth Myers, a senior adviser and Romney confidante. &quot;We recognised we were at a tactical disadvantage for this period. Everything we did had to really matter.&quot; By then, the Obama campaign strategy to go after Romney's business career had been set. But the Romney campaign thought it was prepared. Throughout 2011, Romney aides researched each of the roughly 100 deals that Bain Capital made during the his tenure as chief executive so they could prepare for criticism. When it came in the GOP primaries, Romney easily turned it away,cheap louboutin shoes, accusing his opponents of attacking success itself. That instilled a false sense of confidence,ugg boots uk sale. When Obama began going after Romney's time at Bain, advisers in Boston convinced themselves it already had been litigated. &quot;The Bain attacks were arrows that just bounced off Mitt Romney,&quot; Fehrnstrom said. &quot;They didn't do lasting damage.&quot; The Obama campaign thought otherwise. Deputy campaign manager Stephanie Cutter argued for a series of Bain-related ads in the late spring. A Massachusetts native, Cutter had studied Romney's unsuccessful 1994 bid to unseat then-senator Edward Kennedy and the role Bain had played in it. There was a playbook, and Cutter, as much as anyone, knew it. In May, the ads began. &quot;Bain Capital walked away with a lot of money that they made off this plant,&quot; a former employee at GST Steel, a company bought by Bain and eventually closed down, said to the camera. &quot;We view Mitt Romney as a job destroyer.&quot; It also looked, at first, like a mistake. Democrats including former president Bill Clinton condemned the ads as unfair to capitalism. But at Romney headquarters, senior officials noticed alarming movement in their internal polls. &quot;It was the cumulative weight of everything they were doing that moved numbers, changed impressions and made it more difficult for us to climb out of the political hole they put us in,&quot; said Neil Newhouse, Romney's pollster. &quot;We knew it was hurting. But it was a matter of how long can we survive and how can we raise money to push back.&quot; Complicating the campaign's response was Romney's discomfort discussing his personal wealth. With an estimated net worth of between $190m and $250m, Romney is one of the richest Americans ever to win a major party's presidential nomination, and he has never been at ease talking about it. Romney refused to disclose more than two years' worth of tax returns and finally did so only under pressure, leading Democrats to suggest that he was hiding something. That image was reinforced by Romney's planned expansion of his California beach house and the couple's summer getaways to their lakeside compound in New Hampshire. The Romney campaign fought back, complaining about articles they believed contained factual inaccuracies. But advisers chose not to air a number of positive testimonials from business leaders that they lined up on Romney's behalf. The campaign lacked money, and did not want to distract from the candidate's core case against Obama's economic record. The Republican super political action committees (PACs), sitting on millions of dollars, also decided not to defend Romney at a time when the campaign could not afford to defend itself. This became a source of deep frustration for some campaign strategists who were legally barred from co-ordinating with outside groups. One adviser lamented, &quot;We didn't have any of our allies providing us any kind of cover.&quot; The Republican problem may also have been the message – or the lack of a single one. During one week over the summer, the three big GOP super PACs had a different anti-Obama ad up featuring a distinct aspect of his record, including the government's role in the failed solar-panel manufacturer Solyndra, the lack of jobs, and the rising federal debt. The Romney campaign was hitting Obama for allegedly diluting welfare reform. All touched on the Republicans' central theme – that Obama had failed in his management of the economy – but the impression left on voters may not have been as indelible as the Democratic effort. Even before Romney secured the nomination, his advisers began discussing potential running mates, and the habitually cautious candidate made clear that he did not want to repeat the error of 2008, when John McCain made a dramatic pick in Sarah Palin but failed to run a thorough vetting. The selection of Paul Ryan, a conservative favourite from Wisconsin, would pose other challenges later. But when Ryan, 42, stepped off the USS Wisconsin as Romney's running mate on 11 August, it delighted the Republican base. Within the Obama campaign, advisers believed the Ryan pick was a mistake. Ryan was not well known enough in his home state to help Romney win it, and his conservative positions on fiscal and social issue were likely to bother some independents. &quot;They were coming up to a convention that was essentially a hostile gathering for Romney,&quot; the third senior Obama campaign official said. &quot;He thought Ryan would help with that.&quot; Even inside Romney's campaign, some advisers worried Ryan would be identified too closely with his proposal to turn Medicare into a voucher programme, an idea that could alienate seniors critical in Florida. Those concerns translated into disagreements between Ryan and the leadership in Boston. One week after his selection, Ryan gave a speech about Medicare to residents of the Villages, a city-size retirement community in central Florida. &quot;We want this debate. We need this debate. We will win this debate,&quot; he declared. To the relief of Romney's advisers, the debate never materialised. But they did not allow Ryan to set the agenda again. As part of his role, Ryan had wanted to talk about poverty, travelling to inner cities and giving speeches that laid out the Republican vision for individual empowerment. But Romney advisers refused his request to do so, until mid-October. As one adviser put it, &quot;The issues that we really test well on and win on are not the war on poverty.&quot; After a troubled summer trip to Britain, Poland, and Israel, Romney placed foreign policy to the side. The overseas excursion, described by a member of Romney's national finance committee as &quot;a mistake from beginning to end,&quot; had been followed by an awkward convention. The Romney campaign searched for something to turn its fortunes around. On 11 September, amid developing reports about an attack on US diplomatic missions in Egypt and Libya, Romney aides found a political opportunity. Hours earlier, the US Embassy in Cairo had issued a statement responding to outrage in Egypt over an anti-Muslim film made in California. Romney's advisers viewed the statement as misplaced sympathy for the attackers. Within hours and with the blessing of his foreign policy advisers, Romney approved a statement that accused Obama of sympathising with anti-American interests in the Muslim world. It was sent out shortly after 10pm. By early the next day, it was clear to Romney that they had acted too quickly. The campaign learnt that four Americans had been killed in an attack on a US mission in Benghazi, Libya, including the ambassador, Christopher Stevens. Even to some Republicans, Romney's hasty statement looked insensitive. &quot;We screwed up, guys,&quot; Romney told aides that morning. &quot;This is not good.&quot; His advisers told him that, if he took back his statement, the neoconservative wing of the party would &quot;take his head off.&quot; He stood by it during an appearance in Florida. Two days later, Obama travelled to Joint Base Andrews to meet the four flag-draped coffins. From then on, including during the final debate on foreign policy, Romney was reluctant to engage Obama on the Libya attack, a useful way to discredit his otherwise strong record on national security issues. &quot;The governor felt snake bit by the reaction to our public pronouncement,&quot; said one senior adviser. &quot;I think it made him shy about aggressively prosecuting the Benghazi case against the Obama administration.&quot; The Obama campaign moved quietly through Romney's bumpy summer, and then, for a candidate who has enjoyed moments of good fortune through his political career, another one came. On 17 September, less than a week after the Benghazi attack, Mother Jones magazine began publishing secretly recorded footage of Romney speaking derisively about &quot;the 47 per cent&quot; of Americans who pay no income taxes at a spring fundraiser. &quot,coach outlet store online;I'll never convince them they should take personal responsibility and care for their lives,&quot; he told the guests, who paid $50,000 to attend. The video played perfectly into the image, showcased in Obama's Bain ads, of Romney as a candidate whose chief concern was protecting the wealthy. &quot;It reinforced a negative perception of the governor that was being peddled by our opponents, so yeah, of course we were concerned about it,&quot; Fehrnstrom said. Those close to Ryan,louis vuitton Wallet, whose idea of talking about rising poverty was rejected by the campaign, were also frustrated. &quot;If we had been speaking out about these issues before this happened, it would've inoculated us a little bit,&quot; an adviser said. Within a few hours of the video's release, Romney conceded that his remarks were &quot;not elegantly stated.&quot; The campaign hit a low point. In Chicago, Cutter, the deputy Obama campaign manager, and Ben LaBolt, the communications director, walked into Axelrod's office within minutes of the video posting on the magazine's website to decide what to do. By the end of the day, the campaign had issued a statement denouncing Romney for &quot;writing off half the nation&quot;. Then, for a few days, it stood back and watched. Within 36 hours, Priorities USA aired an ad about the taped comments. And the Obama campaign followed with its own, using Romney's words behind a series of black-and-white photos of working Americans, veterans and seniors. In the week that followed, Obama widened his lead in the polls. The race appeared over as October approached, the incumbent cruising to a win. But inside the Obama campaign the new polling showed something that senior advisers worried would not last. The post-47 per cent surveys reflected a migration of Republican-leaning independents toward Obama. Whether they would be there on election day was uncertain, and that question occupied Obama advisers as the president left for a resort outside Las Vegas to prepare for the first debate. For weeks, Obama had resisted the intensive practice that his advisers wanted him to take on. He was the President now, and even those closest to him had a harder time ordering him to do something he didn't want to do. And he didn't want to prepare for the debate, one of those political duties, such as donor phone calls, that Obama disdained. &quot;It's a drag,&quot; Obama told the staff. &quot;They are making me do my homework.&quot; Trailing in the polls, Romney knew the debate was perhaps his last opportunity to reverse the trajectory of the race. During flights between campaign stops or in his hotel room before bed, he studied. The preparation paid off. In the hours after Romney's successful debate, his advisers began seeing encouraging data. His &quot;47 per cent&quot; remarks had nearly disappeared from the concerns that voters expressed to the campaign's pollsters. Romney had pushed around Obama, who appeared alternately sleepy, distracted and peevish. And the conservative Republican from the primaries had made a swift turn to the centre on a number of issues important to independent voters. Calls from nervous donors flowed into the Obama campaign, and within days, a series of polls suggested the race was again too close to call a month before election day. To Obama's advisers, the gains from Romney's stumbling September vanished in a night. &quot;The rubber band that had stretched toward us the previous month suddenly snapped back to where it was,&quot; said the second senior Obama campaign official. Obama was angry with himself and began studying the tape in preparation for the second debate that was more than a week away. The polls showed Romney gaining steadily, despite a good September jobs report released days after the debate that showed that the unemployment had fallen to the lowest point since the month that Obama took office. As nervous Democrats wondered whether Obama had given the election away, the Vice- President, Joe Biden, was asked to steady the base in his debate against Ryan. Unlike Obama, Biden had been preparing, off and on, for months. Advisers had put together 100 questions that Biden should expect to get, and during even the smallest windows of free time on Air Force Two, they would quiz the Vice-President: &quot;So why is the economy better off than it was four years ago?&quot; Biden turned in an aggressive defence of the administration's record. Before he had even left the stage at Centre College in Danville, Kentucky, he was handed a mobile phone. It was Obama calling with congratulations. The Obama campaign headquarters in Chicago thinned out in late October as some of the 700-plus staff flowed into the field. In the final days, Obama swept through swing states in an effort to rally his supporters and urge them to the polls, at one point suggesting that casting a ballot would be suitable &quot;revenge&quot; for a nasty campaign. He drew on &quot;Obamadata,&quot; as the campaign refers to its voter lists, to hold conference calls directly with thousands of voters and volunteers. Romney, too, bounced through Ohio, Virginia, Florida. Polls showed narrow leads — for both candidates — with little over a week to go before Election Day. Then Hurricane Sandy arrived, stalling out the campaigns. It couldn't have come at a worse time for Romney. Obama left the trail for the White House, taking charge of an emergency response that even some Republicans praised. The New Jersey Governor, Chris Christie, was among them. For months, Christie had been one of Romney's staunchest allies. He had predicted Romney's knockout performance in the first debate and spoke for him whenever asked. With days to go, Christie called Obama &quot;outstanding&quot; in the aftermath of Sandy and, as the two walked the storm-thrashed streets of Atlantic City, he noted that he could not &quot;thank the President enough for his personal concern and compassion for our state.&quot; Six days later Obama secured his second term. Washington Post Related articles: <ul> <li>"The latest inflation spike also continues to</li>  <li>but also revealing.</li>   <li>They say no when they mean yes.</li> </ul>